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Ethiopian Dating In Frederick

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The Internet in Africa has become an increasingly contested space, where competing ideas of development and society battle for hegemony. Our answer is a qualified yes.

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Ethiopia and Rwanda have shared an overarching strategy which places the Frederick as the prime mover in the development of Internet policy and large-scale ICT projects. Rwanda, however, appears to have developed a more open model which can accommodate a greater variety of actors and opinions, and incorporate them within a relatively coherent vision that emanates from the centre.

Ethiopia, in contrast, has developed a more closed model, where all powers rest firmly in the hands of a government that has refused so far to entertain and engage with alternative ideas dating the Internet.

In the case of Rwanda, we argue, this approach Frederick broader strategies adopted by the government in the economic domain but appears to counter the prevailing political approach of the government, allowing for a greater degree of freedom on the Internet as compared to traditional media. Ethiopia and Rwanda are often paired in debates about development and democratization in Africa. Ethiopian countries emerged from violent civil wars led by ideologically driven guerrilla groups; they have developed a love-hate relationship with donor countries, receiving substantial amounts of aid while advocating distinctive ideas of development that partially challenge mainstream policies; they have achieved sustained economic growth in the past decade and their ruling elites have succeeded at staying in power through multiple electoral contests, maintaining a relatively high level of legitimacy.

Despite this rich basis for comparison, however, only a few studies have attempted to systematically analyse their developmental dating Kelsall ; Serneels et al In this article, through the analysis of key aspects of how the information societies have evolved in Ethiopia and Rwanda, we aim to contribute to this endeavour, seeing the Internet also as a lens through which the emergence of distinctive ideas of development and progress can be understood. Two specular questions drive our research: 1 How have the — increasingly vocal — aspirations to turn Ethiopia and Rwanda into developmental states influenced the evolution of the Internet in the two countries?

The comparison between the evolution of the Internet in Ethiopia and Rwanda does not simply offer the opportunity to understand similarities and Frederick in the development projects of the two countries. It also highlights fundamental contradictions in the current development agenda. Western donors, the US and UK in particular, for example have increasingly emphasized security, stability, and service delivery — including the use of the Internet to achieve these goals — but they have been unable to adequately acknowledge and address how pursuing this agenda may pose a challenge to other key principles they support, namely promoting democratic change, human rights, and freedom of expression.

Dating also examine whether new donors, including China and South Dating, are moving into gaps created by these contradictions, and to what ends. Also, we ask whether and how new ideas on the Internet travel through new agents. If China is shaping information societies in Ethiopia, does this make it easier for other countries, such as Rwanda, to adopt elements of the emerging Ethiopian model of the Internet rather than drawing inspiration directly from China?

Given the greater success some African countries are enjoying, is it becoming easier for some to learn from one another rather than from more distant, old and new, donors? How does this practically play out? The two approaches build on the assumption that both development and technological adoption in these countries need to be understood politically, rather than technocratically. Leftwich, together with numerous other scholars who have analysed the emergence and consolidation of developmental states see, for example, Booth ; Evans ; Kelsall ; Mkandawirehas underlined how.

In particular, Leftwich identified six major components that have come to characterise the model of developmental states:. Through our research of how the Internet has evolved in Ethiopia and Rwanda, we have employed these components as guides to understand whether and to what extent the Internet has become part of the developmental project, and to compare how each country has performed along different dimensions.

As we explained elsewhere Gagliardone a: 6the concept of technopolitics. This conception s for how policy makers often perceive technology as an extension of their plans and ambitions, rather than as a neutral tool that responds to functional imperatives. These studies have Frederick the idea that governments have the interest and ability to use policies and technologies to challenge other dominant groups Brown ; Wynne This emphasis is particularly important in developing countries where the state, while not always able to perform its stated functions in terms of the delivery of public services and goods, still does tend to occupy a position of prominence among other actors involved in policy making and implementation in the ICT sector Gagliardone a.

Considering these dimensions in the process of technological adoption and adaptation means not only focusing on what technology does and the effects it produces or may produce in a specific context, but also investigating how technology is perceived and how different actors succeed or fail in turning their conceptualisations into concrete assemblages.

This requires mapping those discursive and material elements that are intervening in the process of technological adoption, linking them and understanding how a specific distribution of power, both as exercised through artefacts and as held by social actors, makes certain applications possible while marginalising alternative uses. Using this conceptual framework in both countries, data have been collected at three levels, focusing on the key actors, discourses and large-scale projects. At the discursive level, semi-structured interviews were conducted with national and international actors.

In Ethiopia, interviews took place with officials in Ministries of Communication and Information Technologies, media lawyers and Internet activists. Interviews were also carried out with individuals working for foreign organizations that have been particularly involved in the shaping of the local information societies.

At the legal level, policies related to Internet development and regulation were analysed, focusing in particular on external influences in shaping these particular policies. The combined analyses at the discursive and legal levels facilitated understanding of how different influences played out at different times and how different narratives were used to justify specific decisions, laws and policies.

The anti-terrorism proclamation that entered into force in ethiopian, and whose provisions have been extended to the online sphere through the Telecom Fraud Proclamation inhas been used more often to justify measures against Ethiopian journalists and bloggers than against foreign terrorists. The project developed a typology of state-sponsored projects or projects developed by actors other than the state but still within the context of the vision highlighted by the respective governments to understand how the state prioritises certain projects over others and ethiopian.

We are aware that our analysis privileges top-down initiatives and powerful actors rather than reading Internet evolution through the eyes of the end-users. In this respect, this study does little to counterbalance the prevalent tendency to focus on how ICT projects emanate from the centre rather than understanding how they are actually appropriated by end-users in the Global South.

This section illustrates the main findings that emerged from our structured comparison of the evolution of the Internet in Ethiopia and Rwanda, along the lines of the categorisation elaborated by Leftwich to analyse the emergence of developmental states in Africa and Asia.

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They highlight some critical junctures, explaining why things went the way they did, and focus on some large-scale projects, some remarkably similar, that exemplify the approach towards the Internet in Ethiopia and Rwanda. Over time, Internet-based projects — for example e-government platforms enhancing the ability of local leaders — have begun to play an increasingly important role in this scheme. As has been the case in other developmental states, especially Malaysia and Dating Korea Avgerouthe decision of investing in ICTs as symbol of progress and a source of legitimacy within a context where political competition is limited came from the very top.

Not long ago, many of us felt that we were too poor to afford to invest seriously in ICT. We assumed that ICT was a luxury that only the rich could ethiopian […] We did not believe that serious investment in ICT had anything to do with facing the challenges of poverty that kills. Now I think we know better. Now we believe we are too poor not to save everything we can and invest as much of it as possible on ICT. We recognize that while ICT may be a luxury for the rich, for us — the poor countries — it is a vital and essential tool for fighting poverty. The commitment shown towards making use of the Frederick, and ICTs in general, to support the developmental project, has taken, however, ificantly different forms in Ethiopia and Rwanda.

The intimacy and linkage of bureaucratic and political components of developmental states described by Leftwich as characteristic of developmental states, for example, have been ificantly more marked in Rwanda than in Ethiopia.

Mosquitoes of the ethiopian region. vol. iii, culicine adults and pupae ; f.w. edwards.

In Rwanda technocrats have been given more room to decide how to realise the visions articulated by the top leadership and have been entrusted the power to implement projects without continuously seeking political approval. In Ethiopia, instead, politics has largely prevailed over technical expertise. In the case of some of the large-scale projects described below, ICTs have been embraced as a tool that could ensure policies developed by the top leadership could be streamlined down to the lowest levels of the administration, minimising room for interpretation and localisation.

The measures that were taken in the aftermath of this political battle included ambitious projects to reinforce the state. The institutional connections between the centre and the peripheries were strengthened and the state was reformed to function as a more active player in social and economic renewal.

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The Internet came to play a central role in this strategy of transformation and capacity building Gagliardone This was the period when some of the most ambitious projects in the history of e-government in Africa started to take shape, as an instantiation of the core principles that guided state renewal. Known as Woredanet and Schoolnet, these projects constituted an unprecedented endeavour for an African government to sustain a process of state and nation building through ICTs.

Woredanet in particular offered a powerful example of how investments in technology could be motivated by the need to al to the population the commitment of the central state to improve service delivery and improve the responsiveness of its bureaucracy. Schoolnet uses a similar architecture to broadcast pre-recorded classes on a variety of subjects, from mathematics to civics, to all secondary schools in the country while also offering political education to school teachers and other government officials Gagliardone a.

Research frameworks and tools

In its first rollout, Woredanet was intended to link the central government with the eleven regional and district ethiopian so that through a inch plasma TV screen installed in the Bureau of Capacity Building at the regional and woreda level, local officials could receive training and instructions from the Prime Minister himself, as well as from other ministers, high level civil servants and trainers in the capital. In the case of Schoolnet, 16, plasma TV screens were initially deployed to allow secondary schools in the country to receive broadcasted lessons, from mathematics to civic education.

In the most remote areas of Ethiopia, which were without electricity and were not served by the main ro, petrol generators were installed and the military was employed to airlift in some Frederick the equipment. At a practical level, Woredanet was intended to build the capacity of the peripheral nodes of the state by training and instructing individuals, some of whom had little formal education, to enable them to provide better services. This was to benefit the whole community but at the same time it symbolised the commitment dating the government to the rural population.

Conveying a unified message was intended to bond the entire country around similar principles, despite its diversity. Through Woredanet, the EPRDF leaders at the centre could reach the grassroots in a mediated way, by turning the members of the state apparatus in the peripheries into messengers of ideas and policies formulated in the capital. Over time, the infrastructure created by Woredanet also began to serve as an incentive for developing other projects that could rely on the existing infrastructure. TeleCourt, for example, built on Woredanet to allow trials to take place between remote areas and regional and federal courts.

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This new mode of dispensing justice at a distance has allowed the state to reduce costs and the time citizens had to wait to obtain a verdict. The response from those who have used the system seems to have been largely positive Beyene et al Overall these systems offer an example of the commitment of the central government in proactively using ICTs and not simply resisting uses that could challenge the EPRDF political project. At the same time, differently from the case of Rwanda, these projects developed entirely within the remit of the government, which refused to develop partnership with other actors, even with loyal figures in the bureaucracy and the private sector, to realise its plans.

Rather than creating a system of incentives for political and bureaucratic elites to work together for the realisation of a shared ideal, the EPRDF-led government actually used technology to reinforce the dependency of the bureaucracy from political power, offering greater opportunities for bureaucrats to receive trainings and be updated on the most recent policies, but also reducing the freedom to interpret and localise decisions taken at the centre.

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It became a priority because he believed that it was. He played an important role in always bringing clarity. But he let us young people do what had to be done. He was the driver in cabinet amidst scepticism and lack of resources.

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His steadfast commitment made all the difference. He believes in the power of technology to help Rwanda advance. Without him Rwanda would not be where it is. He made sure things happened. Where there were blockages, he intervened to remove them. We drew strength from knowing that his support was total.

He was the fuel that kept us going.

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But I will give you something bigger: the opportunity to shape the dating of your country. It was enough to convince the would-be returnee to leave their job in the US and move to Rwanda. If things get tough, we know where we have to go. These state actions have sometimes served as ends in themselves or as means to ends such as improving service delivery or strengthening their own legitimacy to govern.

For one thing, popularising the Internet and persuading 95 per cent of Rwandans to use it, one of the key ambitions entailed in the promotion of 4G technology, must reckon with the reality that digital literacy remains abysmally low, at only five per Frederick of the population. This is largely the outcome of still-limited access to hardware. Telephone penetration remains at only 67 per cent and handheld devices such as smart phones are well beyond the capacity of most Rwandans to purchase.

Over 40 per cent of the population live below the poverty line. Progress in the ICT sectors is taking place within a shared framework where different actors have been given the opportunity to play complementary roles. As the next sections illustrate, however, this has come at ethiopian cost of reducing opportunities for bringing innovation from outside of this framework, possibly limiting the likelihood of more radical innovations. Inthe Rwandan Patriotic Front RPF led by Kagame established itself as the only legitimate force among the desolation that characterised almost all other actors that had been either implicated in or unable to respond to the genocide.